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The House | Inside Andy Burnham’s Makerfield Campaign: “Nobody Thinks This Is In The Bag”

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Inside Andy Burnham's Makerfield Campaign: 'Nobody Thinks This Is In The Bag'

Andy Burnham’s campaign launch (AP Photo/Ian Hodgson/Alamy)


11 min read

Will Andy Burnham’s big by-election bet on Makerfield pay off? Sienna Rodgers talks to Labour MPs, insiders and activists who reveal the campaign strategy and what’s worrying them

Labour activists usually begin their doorstep conversations with the words, “Hello, I’m calling on behalf of your local Labour Party.” Not so in Makerfield, where Greater Manchester mayor Andy Burnham is relying heavily on his personal vote to return him to Westminster.

In the Wigan constituency, which has always been Labour-held but where Reform picked up 24 out of 25 seats in last month’s local elections, the governing party’s by-election message is focused squarely on Burnham. It is a cartoon of his face emblazoned across leaflets and Correx boards, along with the words “ANDY FOR US”. Labour branding is limited, pretty much, to what is legally required. Nobody in the party thinks Labour would have a chance of winning this contest with any other candidate.

Accordingly, Burnham has decided to prioritise his personal interactions with voters. Insiders say the campaign is cutting down on his media time in favour of door-knocking, meeting locals and having sit-downs – including with Reform voters. He won’t convince everyone in the room, they say, but he is determined to have “honest discussions”.

In that vein, Burnham has issued clear instructions that the campaign must aim to speak to every household in the constituency. Canvassing typically involves putting a targeting filter on voter data so that activists miss out the doors of those who have consistently opposed their party, in a bid to save time and concentrate resources where they are most useful. But Burnham wants every door knocked and to wait longer than usual before a more targeted approach is introduced in the run-up to polling day.

This approach means “difficult conversations” are frequent. Those who have been on the Makerfield doorsteps say they have been faced with a real mix of responses. “Not interested, mate” is the standard reply of Reform backers; “Can’t be bothered, I never vote” is that of the wholly disillusioned. But “I like Andy – I know what he’s done for the buses” is also heard.

Because while some voters are firmly Reform, others are desperate to block Nigel Farage’s party, and others still have voted Reform locally but say they will give Burnham their vote.

The Burnham factor is real, canvassers report – a finding backed by polling. The House is told that Josh Simons gave up his seat to make way for the mayor after hearing one too many times from voters that they were grateful for the work he was doing but could not vote for Labour – though they’d consider doing so if Burnham were leader.

Labour campaigners are emphasising that Burnham is a local man. “He grew up here, sent his kids to the local school and lives a stone’s throw away. He cares about the area, this is home, and he wants the change that the country needs to begin here – and look at his track record, he’s been a great mayor for Manchester.” These are the key lines. Burnham has lived with his family in the small town of Golborne, just outside the constituency, since his time as MP for neighbouring Leigh.

Fortunately for the Burnham campaign, given its level of ambition for seat coverage, it is not struggling for bodies: Labour people “from every corner of the country and every corner of the party” are joining the effort, as one source puts it. Party chair Anna Turley has asked all Labour MPs to canvass in the by-election twice during the campaign plus polling day. 

High-profile figures close to Keir Starmer are not being discouraged from visiting, nor indeed are leadership rival Wes Streeting and his allies, who have been welcomed. (The former health secretary joined on the first weekend after Burnham had been confirmed as the candidate.) Turning out supporters is key and it’s “all hands on deck”.

North West Labour is a little tired, an insider points out, after being “stuck in a loop of by-elections for years”. Since the start of 2022, the region has been the site of more by-elections than any other (most recently Gorton and Denton, but previously Runcorn and Helsby, Blackpool South, Rochdale, Stretford and Urmston, and the then City of Chester). Many were easier in the sense that Morgan McSweeney had done the strategic work months or years prior – “you just had to execute it”, as the local Labour source puts it.

Still, Burnham has a bigger team around him than is typical for by-elections. There are not one but two ‘political leads’ – Anneliese Midgley, the trade union insider and Knowsley MP said to be highly trusted by Burnham, and Louise Haigh, the former Cabinet member who has championed Team Burnham in Parliament – as well as not one but two ‘campaign aides’ – David Baines and Sally Jameson, both 2024 intake MPs.

As ever, he also has his close political aide and friend, chief of staff Kevin Lee, who helps with messaging. Leigh MP Jo Platt, who acts as a liaison with the parliamentary party, is called upon for her local borough knowledge too. Simons, whose bold decision to vacate the seat triggered the by-election, is also involved and said to be “across everything”. And there is deputy leader Lucy Powell, who is focused on mobilising members, encouraging MPs to visit and fighting Reform in the ‘air war’.

Those dropping into the campaign from elsewhere are full of praise. “It was the first time I felt hopeful in months,” says one Labour MP. They would prefer to see Wes Streeting become the next prime minister, yet describe how refreshing they find “an election campaign with some energy” – one in which “you don’t have the albatross of Keir Starmer around your neck”.

“It felt like they really knew what they were doing in terms of the organisation. All the other by-election campaigns have also been really well-run, but the others have been well-run in spite of the national government,” they add.

“Within the Labour Party, everyone is knocking for the same purpose, and that purpose is getting rid of Keir Starmer. It’s been the cause that dare not speak its name for two years – ‘Keir’s a bit shit, isn’t he?’ – and now people are able to say it.”

Some of those closer to the Makerfield campaign are more critical. The House has heard complaints that there are “too many cooks” and it is unclear who exactly is holding the reins. These criticisms are aimed both at the local campaign and the parallel preparations for government. For the latter, Ed Miliband ally Miatta Fahnbulleh leads on policy, but there are lots of other voices vying for input.

Allies recognise the unfeasibility of running in a highly challenging by-election while preparing for No 10; of being attractive to Makerfield voters, the country and the party’s MPs and members all at the same time.

“There’s no signature policy. He’s appealing to Makerfield, he’s appealing to the country, and he’s appealing to the Labour Party. It’s impossible. He’s just got to pick one and it needs to be Makerfield,” says a pro-Burnham Labour MP.

It’s been the cause that dare not speak its name for two years – ‘Keir’s a bit shit, isn’t he?’ – and now people are able to say it

While the Labour mood is largely characterised by cautious optimism, there is a fear that voters’ minds could change quickly, even in such a short campaign, especially thanks to “the algorithms” shaping narratives. “Nobody thinks that this is in the bag, and you would be stupid to think that it is,” says a Labour MP close to the operation.

In the Greater Manchester constituency of ‘Makerfield’, there is no big town with that name. It is, in reality, a commuter area between Manchester and Liverpool that includes Ashton-in-Makerfield and Hindley, both with populations of around 25,000, and a number of villages. It is 97 per cent white and decidedly pro-Brexit; unemployment is low and home ownership is high. Flags are flown proudly and there is said to be a mix of views throughout the seat – far from the ‘constituency of two halves’ that is Gorton and Denton.

There are local issues: flooding, on which Simons is getting credit from locals after responsive casework when he was the MP; miners’ pensions, which have been boosted by the Labour government; Burnham’s help in getting an illegal waste site closed. But national, ‘big-ticket’ items are dominating, Labour sources say. 

Reform’s campaign may be focused on local issues, but it is GB News and social media driving the narrative. And there is a worry that the government-prep side of Burnham’s mission could derail the contest.

This anxiety piles on top of many others, most notably that there is not much of a progressive vote to squeeze (the Lib Dems and Greens are largely non-events here) and that the locals showed there is a significant “shy Reform vote” in the area. 

Andy Burnham’s Makerfield campaign launch, May 2026
Andy Burnham’s Makerfield campaign launch, May 2026 (PA Images/Alamy)

That Rupert Lowe’s Restore Britain is cutting through in the by-election – even bringing out activists on the ground who have been seen knocking on doors – offers Labour some reprieve in the short term, but little comfort beyond this battle.

One MP on the party’s left worries that, even if Burnham pulls off a victory, the story could be the combined Reform and Restore vote share. “If it were not for Restore, Reform would be ahead. That’s troubling,” they say. “The story will be that he came through, but with a split vote. That isn’t a narrative of victory – that’s a narrative of ‘you got lucky’.”

This Labour MP believes that Burnham should be making his distance from the Starmer premiership clearer – even going so far as to tell the Prime Minister not to visit Makerfield during the campaign, as he has promised (or threatened) to do. 

“He needs to say, ‘I do not want you on my campaign’,” the MP urges. “Labour is dragging him down. Unless Andy is prepared to say, ‘I’m coming to take Starmer out’, it’s not cutting through,” they add. “Either you’re an insurgent or you’re not. He needs to come in going, ‘I won because I distanced myself from the shitshow that’s been the last two years’.”

But it is thought unlikely Burnham will make such feelings explicit or banish Starmer from the campaign. “It will be very carefully choreographed,” a different MP notes of the visit expected by the PM. “There will be a meeting where Keir is presented with some very trusted local Labour people, but let’s not fool ourselves – Keir is not going to go out knocking in Abram ward,” they add, referring to one of the more economically deprived bits of the seat.

The absurdity of a vote for Labour being a vote against the Labour Prime Minister in this by-election does not always arise, but these conversations sometimes happen organically. There is no official script to follow when they do, but some activists tell The House they reply with a wink-wink, nudge-nudge, ‘well-you-know-who-is-well-placed-to-kick-him-out’ answer.

If it were not for Restore, Reform would be ahead. That’s troubling

Conversations with Labour MPs and others about Makerfield all quickly turn to the impending leadership change. Ironically, those most keen on a coronation for Burnham have included some Starmer supporters: the less chaos, the better.

Streeting backers are fairly relaxed, while emphasising the need for a broad-church approach if Burnham gets in. “Everyone has accepted that anything’s better than the status quo,” one says. “There’s a really healthy respect between the Wes camp and the Andy camp. We looked at how the Tories did their changes and there was never any respect left. You always had a section who were eviscerated and left to go and lick their wounds until enough of their colleagues got pissed off again in six months’ time. I think we’re all aware that that can’t happen.”

Meanwhile, the Labour left MPs are clear that there must not be a coronation. “Not that I would support him, but I would hope that Streeting would say, ‘I am going to be contesting this’. You go to the party with two candidates – one a credible candidate of the centre left, one a credible candidate of the centre right – and they fight it out. That is the way the party should behave,” says one MP. “It didn’t work for Gordon,” says another, referring to Brown’s 2007 accession. “Andy would wipe the floor with any candidate, and he needs that, and the party needs to see that.”

Whatever comes next, everyone involved in Labour’s Makerfield campaign describes its outcome in apocalyptic terms. “It is existential,” says one. “If we can beat Reform in these circumstances, it’s a playbook for the country.” A Burnham-backing MP puts it more starkly: “If Andy does not win this, we’re all fucked.” 

 

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Politics Home | Mandelson Said The Starmer Operation Needed “Complete Revamp”, New Messages Show

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Mandelson Said The Starmer Operation Needed 'Complete Revamp', New Messages Show

The second tranche of documents related to Mandelson’s appointment were published on Monday (Alamy)


4 min read

The former UK ambassador to the US, Peter Mandelson, told a cabinet minister that Keir Starmer’s No 10 operation required a “complete revamp and infusion of purpose” in a series of WhatsApp messages last year, the latest tranche of documents relating to Mandelson’s appointment show.

On Monday afternoon, the government published the second tranche of documents relating to Mandelson’s appointment and tenure as UK ambassador to Washington. 

The files, which number more than 1,000 pages, show that Mandelson said that Starmer is “consistently going for direction B” in a July 2025 exchange of messages with  Secretary of State for Work and Pensions, Pat McFadden, who was then chancellor of the duchy of Lancaster. 

In the messages, Mandelson told McFadden: “I went in to No 10 after I saw you. It is beleaguered and bereft. It requires complete revamp and infusion of purpose and confidence to get anywhere.”

While discussing staff in No 10, Mandelson suggested the team around Starmer “are not led and none of them really know what Keir thinks or wants. In fact most of them don’t think Keir knows what he wants”.

Mandelson was sacked from his role as UK ambassador to Washington in September 2025 after new details came to light about his relationship with the paedophile financier Jeffery Epstein. The former Labour peer later resigned from the House of Lords, with the government committing to removing his peerage.

Starmer later accused Mandelson of betraying the country and lying to Downing Street about the depth of his relationship with Epstein. The row led to the resignation of Starmer’s chief of staff and long-time ally Morgan McSweeney, and has contributed significantly to Labour MP unrest with Starmer’s leadership.

 Mandelson is currently being investigated by the police over allegations that he leaked confidential government documents to Epstein while he was a minister in the New Labour government. 

In February, the leader of the opposition, Kemi Badenoch, tabled a humble address requesting the disclosure of documents relating to Mandelson’s appointment and time as ambassador to Washington, with the first publication taking place in March. 

Former Foreign Office permanent secretary Olly Robbins was sacked following reports in April that Mandelson had not cleared the UK Security Vetting (UKSV) procedure for appointment as US ambassador in late January 2025, before starting the role the next month. 

After leaving his position, Robbins accused No 10 of having had a “dismissive approach” to the vetting process. 

Addressing the House of Commons on Monday afternoon, the Chief Secretary to the Prime Minister, Darren Jones, told MPs that the publication of the second tranche of documents had cost the Cabinet Office alone over £1m.

Darren Jones in the House of Commons
Darren Jones addressed the House of Commons on Monday afternoon (Alamy)

The files published on Monday also reveal that Mandelson told then-foreign secretary David Lammy in November 2024, ahead of his appointment, that Lammy would “never regret it” if he were to appoint Mandelson to the role of US ambassador. 

Following the local elections in 2025, in which Reform UK made major gains, the files show McFadden asked Mandelson how Labour should fight Nigel Farage’s party, describing the results as “a shellacking”.

Mandelson suggested that Starmer should be more “Trumpian” in his approach.

“The problem is the government doesn’t give a sense of crusading to turn round and change Britain. That’s what I mean by panache, verve,” he messaged.

“It does start right from the top, I am afraid, but you must all contribute more to it by breaking out of the Whitehall system and mould and appearing less like business as usual conventional ministers and, dare I say it, behaving in a more Trumpian risk-taking and dare-devil way.

“At the moment ministers seem to be looking more to the Whitehall machine and the party base than to the public who are crying out for leadership.”

Other disclosures reveal that on the week of the government’s U-turn over winter fuel payments last year, McFadden told Mandelson in WhatsApp messages that the situation “doesn’t feel good for Keir”. Speaking about conversations with Labour MPs, McFadden said: “Every meeting I have is ‘who can we tax in order to pay benefits to others’. They’re asking the wrong questions”.

The government was forced to abandon reforms to the welfare system after large numbers of Labour MPs threatened to inflict what would have been a humiliating defeat on Starmer.

Messages published today also reveal that Mandelson told McFadden that he thought the former health secretary Wes Streeting was having an “early mid-life crisis” after he raised concerns that Israel was “committing war crimes before our eyes”.

 

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The House Article | Michael Grade: I Am Very, Very Worried About The Future Of British TV

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Michael Grade: I Am Very, Very Worried About The Future Of British TV


10 min read

Former TV executive Lord Grade has just stepped down as chair of Ofcom. He tells Noah Vickers about his eventful career, enforcing the Online Safety Act and why critics of GB News are secretly ‘embarrassed’

Lord Grade is a titan of British television. Over four decades as an executive at ITV, the BBC and Channel 4, he greenlit and oversaw some of our most cherished programmes, including the launch of EastEnders and Casualty, the importing of Friends and Neighbours onto UK screens, and the broadcasting of Bob Geldof’s Live Aid concert in 1985.

The 83-year-old peer has re-taken the Tory whip after sitting as a non-affiliated member for the last four years while serving as chair of Ofcom. Appointed to the role under Boris Johnson’s government in 2022, his term concluded in April this year.

But despite his extraordinary career in television, he says that what drew him to the job was not in fact its role regulating the world of broadcasting.

“What interested me about the Ofcom job was I started to worry about online safety,” he says, “and there were the beginnings of talk about a bill coming.”

The Online Safety Act, passed by Rishi Sunak’s administration in 2023, is enforced by Ofcom. Companies in breach of the legislation can be fined up to £18m or 10 per cent of their qualifying worldwide revenue, whichever is greater.

Ofcom is up against “very powerful companies who have unlimited access to the best legal brains, and will challenge everything we do”, says Grade, who acknowledges concerns that the regulator moves too slowly.

“When you’re regulating, and [despite] the strong powers that Ofcom has, we’re not a star chamber. Its processes have to be fair and defensible in court.”

The legislation, he argues, is just one part of a wider global regulatory effort to which the big tech companies have been forced to respond.

“I’ve got kids and grandkids and they’re on their screens all day long. The tech companies are beginning to wake up to the fact they’ve got to change. The mere fact of the legislation, and Ofcom’s engagement with the big tech companies, has created quite a bit of change – some of it voluntary.”

Grade’s term at Ofcom also began less than a year after the launch of GB News. The regulator is still regularly accused of failing to hold the channel to the same standards of impartiality as other broadcasters. “The same rules apply to GB News as apply to the BBC, Sky, ITN, whoever,” he insists.

 “All news programmes are the result of editorial choices made all along the line. What story are we going to cover? How are we going to cover it? Who do we interview? What are we going to ask them? What are we going to use? Where does it go in the running order?

“Everything’s a choice, all the way up. Because GB News make different editorial choices necessarily on each news day from the BBC, ITN or Sky, doesn’t make it wrong.”

GB News “haven’t always played by the rules”, he admits, but it has been penalised accordingly. He adds: “They’ve actually got better and better. It’s not difficult to comply – sometimes it’s only a sentence in a script.”

Does that mean GB News’ critics should really be angry with how the rules are written, rather than the way Ofcom is enforcing them?

“No, I just think,” he says, before pausing for a moment. “I can now speak [freely], as I’m not at Ofcom. I honestly think they’re embarrassed by the fact that there is a news organisation that has a different news agenda to them, that speaks to the agenda of the majority – if you look at the polls, a large swathe of the voting population, who have no voice on the BBC.

“Immigration, Brexit, these are all issues that don’t get the weight on the BBC, or haven’t been able to, that GB News will give, so what’s the problem?”

To unite that “large swathe” of voters, speaking as a Conservative peer, does he think the Tories and Reform UK should do a deal to win the next election?

“No, I think they’ve got to slug it out to the election,” he says. “If there’s a hung parliament at the end of that, then that’s the time, maybe, for Reform and the Conservatives [to work together]. You can do a confidence and supply agreement, you don’t have to have a coalition – see who’s got most seats.”

Grade is proud of his tenure as a TV executive, his face lighting up as he recalls there being “nothing better than backing a hunch, and the show goes on and it’s beautifully executed, the audience find it and love it, and critics love it”.

His time at London Weekend Television (LWT), a regional franchise of ITV, saw the broadcast of The Fosters in 1976, which featured Lenny Henry in his first regular TV role. It was the first British sitcom to have an all-Black cast, adapted from the American sitcom Good Times.

“What we’re at risk of losing is big drama designed specifically for the British audience”

“Encouraging a lot of Black actors in a lot of shows that we did was a big step forward,” says Grade.

“The critics rounded on it and said, ‘We don’t understand this show – this could have been played by a white family,’ and I said, ‘That’s exactly the point.’ That drove me crazy, but that was great fun.”

Finding TV hits could be the “hardest thing in the world”, he recalls.

“My first boss at LWT, who brought me into television, was the late Cyril Bennett. I said, ‘How do you get a hit, Cyril?’ He said ‘90 per cent luck and 10 per cent accident’,” Grade chuckles.

“You’ve got to know what’s not going to work. You have to know exactly what has got no chance at all – after that, it’s up to the audience. The audience decide what’s a hit and what isn’t.”

As controller of BBC One in the 1980s, Grade almost axed Blackadder after its first series – which had been shot, expensively, on location.

Grade also found it unfunny, so he made the programme’s renewal conditional on its producers moving it into a cheaper studio format, with an audience to react to the jokes.

“Very grumpily, they put it in a studio and the rest is history. You watch the first series – it’s a mess. They [the audience] knew what was funny and what wasn’t funny.”

He made a more committed attempt to kill off Doctor Who, forcing the series to go on an 18-month hiatus and to swap its lead actor from Colin Baker to Sylvester McCoy. Does he expect fans will ever forgive him?

“No, no, no. That show was well past its sell-by date in my time.”

Grade complained that the visual effects were terrible compared to Star Wars and Close Encounters of The Third Kind. He credits Russell T Davies, who resurrected it in 2005, for performing “a miracle with a great brand”.

 

But he adds: “I have to secretly admit, which I don’t normally admit – I’m not a big fan of sci-fi in any event. I know that’s a blind spot of mine, so I’ve always had to be very careful not to let my own taste intervene.”

Case in point, perhaps, came when he flew out to California to decide which American shows to buy for Channel 4. In a Hollywood screening room, he and his colleagues watched the pilot for a new sci-fi series.

“We all looked at each other and said: ‘This is garbage, it’s hard to stay awake.’ You know, jetlag and everything else… so we turned down The X-Files, which was a big miss.”

Later at Channel 4, the station’s head of comedy presented another pilot episode to him. Grade found it “mindless” and “really stupid in places”, but said to carry on if there was enough belief in it. That series was Father Ted.

These days, Grade warns that British TV is in a perilous place. He shares the concerns raised last year by Wolf Hall director, Peter Kosminsky, that it is becoming increasingly unaffordable for public-service broadcasters to produce high-end British dramas.

“I’ve had many discussions with Peter, who I admire enormously,” he says. “Something’s got to happen, because what we’re at risk of losing is big drama designed specifically for the British audience.

“If it has a life after that, internationally, fine. I think ITV were very surprised that Mr Bates vs The Post Office sold in as many territories as it did, because it was a very domestic story.

“But Happy Valley, Wolf Hall, those sorts of shows are very much at risk. The answer is, the BBC has a secure income, [and] it needs to continue to have a secure income so it can play its part.”

Kosminsky called for a levy to be put on US streaming services, with the proceeds collected into a British cultural fund. A similar proposal was put forward by Parliament’s Culture, Media and Sport Committee, but was turned down by the government.

“That’s been rejected, and it’s a hard sell,” says Grade, who argues it might be possible for the private sector to instead create a one-off fund, which the BBC and others could come to for support in making their more expensive series.

The intellectual property of programmes produced from it would stay in the UK, but the fund’s private backers would be the first to benefit from international sales.

He doesn’t see any feasible alternative to the licence fee as a way of funding the BBC – and he cautions that a subscription model would discourage producers from taking risks on shows which might not sell.

Lord Grade speaks at an ITV event in May 2026
Lord Grade speaks at an ITV event in May 2026 (Ian Tennant/Alamy)

Grade also warns, however, that the corporation is still too big and says cuts should be made so that the licence fee can be re-based at a lower amount.

The rise of working from home, he suggests, means the BBC could free up some funding by selling off some of its physical estate: “When you go to some of the BBC headquarters outside London, you just can’t believe the scale of them.”

He argues, too, that the licence fee should be made progressive by tying it to income in some way.

“It’s wrong that I pay the same as a single mum with three kids in a rented room somewhere – it’s just wrong.”

The peer is optimistic about the corporation’s new director-general, Matt Brittin: “I’m excited and encouraged that they’ve brought in someone from the outside, which I think is what the BBC needs. He seems to be making all the right noises…

“I’m very hopeful that we’ll see some radical change at the BBC, definitely. He’s got to appoint a deputy who’s going to control the journalistic minefield, so they don’t have another editorial crisis – of which there have been too many.”

The last government’s decision not to privatise Channel 4, he argues, was a missed opportunity – despite having fought previous attempts at privatisation when he was the station’s chief executive under Margaret Thatcher and John Major.

“It’s wrong that I pay the same [licence fee] as a single mum with three kids in a rented room”

“There were only five channels in those days. It was a very different world,” he explains. “The question is, can Channel 4 make a virtue out of being small? That’s the challenge. There’s a new team in there, a great new chairman, a very exciting chief executive – let’s see if they can make a fist of it.”

Asked to rate, out of 10, how hopeful he feels about the future of British TV, he gives a score of two. Perhaps two and a half.

“I am very, very worried. Part of it is being kind of misty-eyed about the golden age of which I was privileged to be a part.

“But also the creative industries are one of the most important growth sectors of the economy, and have been for the last decade. The bedrock of that is public service media, and if we lose public service media, eventually that will ripple through into our position as a major provider of international exports, soft power. It’s gobsmacking what we achieve.” 

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Politics Home Article | The First Restore Britain University Societies Are Being Created

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The First Restore Britain University Societies Are Being Created

Rupert Lowe launched his party Restore Britain earlier this year (Alamy)


5 min read

The University of York’s Restore Britain society is the first to be ratified at a Russell Group institution. PoliticsHome speaks to its president about how society hopes to help Rupert Lowe and why billionaire Elon Musk’s support for the party could be a “double-edged sword”.

When former Reform UK MP Rupert Lowe launched his own party, Restore Britain, in February after falling out with Nigel Farage, there was scepticism that it could have a meaningful electoral impact. There was a belief that there was limited space for a right-wing, fringe party to have an impact as long as Nigel Farage’s Reform continues to lead the polls.

However, at this month’s local elections, there were signs that Restore Britain could prove to be a headache for Farage. Lowe’s party, which has hard-right policies like the mass deportation of all illegal immigrants and shutting down universities that “brainwash students into hating their own culture”, helped deny Reform a majority on Norfolk County Council by winning all 10 seats they contested in Great Yarmouth.

Looking ahead to next month’s crucial by-election in Makerfield, Labour activists in the northwest told The House magazine this weekend that Reform would be on course to defeat Andy Burnham were it not for Restore Britain’s participation. A Survation poll this week put Labour candidate Burnham in the lead on 43 per cent, with Reform’s Robert Kenyon close behind on 40 per cent. Restore Britain candidate Rebecca Shepherd was on 7 per cent.

Lowe, who has cultivated large followings on social media, is now seemingly building support at campus level.  

Jared Allman, a second-year philosophy student at the University of York (UoY), is president of the university’s newly ratified Restore Britain society. The society was originally set up by Nye Gollings, who was previously president of UoY’s Reform UK society.

Allman, 22, whose favourite historical figure is French emperor Napoleon Bonaparte (“he is the best military commander of all time”), told PoliticsHome that his support for Restore Britain comes from the belief that British people must “come back together and reaffirm their national identity”.

Other members of the society name Henry VIII’s executed chancellor Thomas More, Roman emperor Marcus Aurelius, William the Conqueror and ancient copper merchant Ea-nāṣir as their favourite historical figures. 

When asked whether it would not be more appropriate for his favourite historical figure to be British, Allman said: “That does make absolute sense, but if there were one that I thought was better than him, then I would have put him down.”

Currently, the society has about 25-30 members, the majority of whom, Allman admitted, are men, apart from “two or three female members”. In terms of the ethnicity of the group, Allman reckoned about five or six are “ethnic members”.

On the lack of women, Allman said: “That end of politics probably has a bad rap to it, and I feel like people perhaps just are intimidated…especially a woman, but I would absolutely love to get more female members, and that could be really beneficial to the society.”

York’s Student Union (SU) anticipated that the ratification, which gives a group training and funding opportunities, access to resources, and support from student union staff, would be so contentious that it published a full explainer on why the decision had been made, insisting it was “not an endorsement” and the organisation was “legally bound” to do so.

Unlike his predecessor, Gollings, Allman is not a former Reform UK member. He described Reform leader Farage as a “chameleon” who has done “nothing whatsoever” for his parliamentary constituency of Clacton since he was elected almost two years ago.

“I just like how Rupert Lowe’s not afraid to say it, and there really aren’t a lot of people that have a backbone and stand firm with what they say,” he told PoliticsHome.

“On the whole, the greatest issue facing our country is the cultural decline of England and its native people,” Allman told PoliticsHome, but insists he does not have a problem with international students on campus, as they have come to the country through legal routes.

York St John University, on the other side of the city, also has a ratified Restore Britain society. While other societies exist at universities across the country in Warwick, Durham, Bristol and London, they are not yet ratified. Allman said the society leaders keep in touch via a group chat.

Following the ratification, the SU received backlash from other university societies, culminating in a protest outside the SU building against the decision on 22 May. “I expected there to be more people,” Allman said, but described the atmosphere as “hostile”.

York university campus lake
The University of York Restore Britain society is the first to be ratified at a Russell Group (Alamy)

“I just find it ridiculous, not only the fact that they think they can suppress a view they disagree with, but also that they think the best way to go about that is to mob up and basically use intimidation tactics, lots of screaming through a megaphone, like lots of loud, sharp noise.”

Going forward, Allman told PoliticsHome he wants to take the society towards putting on “more intellectually-based activities” and bringing speakers and guests to the university. The group also has plans to travel to Makerfield to campaign for their candidate, Shepherd.

Musk, the controversial billionaire owner of X, has indicated support for Restore Britain in his inflammatory online commentary on British politics. Allman admitted that Musk’s support is a bit of a “double-edged sword”, telling PoliticsHome: “He’s got quite a bad reputation”.

“It’s good that he’s endorsing Restore, because he has got a large following, and he is the richest man on the planet, but he also has been accused of meddling with foreign affairs and foreign politics,” he said.

 

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