Politics
The House | Government Promises Devolution Reform But Mayors Say ‘Begging Bowl’ Culture Persists

(Tracy Worrall)
9 min read
MHCLG and the Treasury are promising more powers to the devolved regions through a series of reforms. But for all the progress, regional mayors remain frustrated at a ‘begging bowl’ culture forced on them by an untrusting Whitehall. Benedict Cooper reports
At times, delivering this year’s Mais Lecture, Rachel Reeves sounded more like a fierce critic of government devolution policy than someone involved in delivering it.
The Chancellor spoke of the “stifling Whitehall orthodoxies” that have held back the regions; the “local ambition frustrated by central government control”. She attacked the “fiction that a strong economy could be built on the success of just a few places”, and called for a “genuine break with the past” as the only true solution to all of the above.
The language of the lecture must have given some relief to the mayors and officials running England’s devolved authorities. It reflected precisely their frustrations at the slow and limited nature of change.
The lack of power to raise revenues locally and to truly decide, not merely preside over, the prescribed allocation of central Treasury funds, has been at the core of discontent about the way devolution has been delivered since the start.
For now, the details of how it might be solved are with the Chancellor’s Treasury officials. To understand what’s at stake, why frustrations persist and what should be done, we’ve gone straight to the regional mayors and devolution experts.
If a single statistic can tell the story, it must surely be the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development’s (OECD) finding, released last year, as to how much autonomy the UK gives its regions compared to other nations.
Among the OECD countries in 2024, the average proportion of overall revenues generated by a central, national exchequer was 53.2 per cent, with the rest being raised, and spent, by regional or federal authorities. In the UK, that figure was 91.8 per cent; the highest by some distance.
The UK’s economy is as centralised as it gets. It makes the Chancellor’s plan to “liberate” the regions, by granting “control over long-term, self-sustaining capital”, extremely ambitious.
Alex Walker, senior researcher at think tank Re:State and former research assistant at the Bennett School of Public Policy, says that while the scale of the job is huge, the intention is right, and necessary to redressing a paradox of the system.
“It’s a very big development,” he says. “England is a big outlier in how fiscally centralised it is. At the moment, you’ve got this decentralisation of spending responsibilities, but not really much decentralisation of revenue raising power.”
Responsibility without power is surely a political leader’s nightmare. And, Walker says, it’s the cause of a democratic deficit at the core of English devolution.
Under the current model, he says, the money comes largely out of general taxation so the accountability is upwards to the Ministry of Housing, Communities & Local Government (MHCLG) and various Whitehall departments: “Once strategic authorities are more financially and fiscally independent from central government it should lead to the accountability being more towards their local electorate in terms of how they are spending that money that’s being raised and generated in the local area.”
There is the way money is raised, and there is the way it is distributed, or not, to the regional authorities.
England is a big outlier in how fiscally centralised it is
Akash Paun, devolution programme director at the Institute for Government, says: “Mayors often speak of the unhelpful ‘begging bowl culture’ created by the funding system they operate within, in which combined authority budgets are a hodgepodge of grants from across Whitehall.
“This is a system that has limited the ability of mayors and local partners to develop joined-up and long-term strategies for their regions, as they have to account separately to numerous different government departments for their use of public money.”
A proposed solution to this surely unsustainable situation is the integrated settlement, an instrument introduced into the English Devolution White Paper of December 2024 as a means to grant authorities access to a “consolidated budget across housing, regeneration, local growth, local transport, skills, retrofit, and employment support”.
The idea is sound. And few would argue with communities minister Miatta Fahnbulleh’s view, who tells The House it is based on the idea that “mayors know their areas better than Whitehall ever could”.
She adds: “That’s why we’re scrapping dozens of ring-fenced grants and giving seven city regions more control through integrated settlements – so they can spend on what their residents actually need.”
Far more contentious, and many mayors say deeply unhelpful, are the many qualifications and stipulations required to reach an integrated settlement in the first place. Namely, that only those authorities proven to have met eligibility criteria and thus elevated to the status of ‘established’ mayoral strategic authority (EMSA) may qualify for an integrated settlement.
At the moment, only seven combined authorities do: in Greater London, Greater Manchester, the North East, West and South Yorkshire, the West Midlands, and the Liverpool City Region.
Seven authorities out of 16. That leaves nine working to meet the criteria to reach the status to receive the funding they need.
Those criteria are extensive. And include a contentious detail that an authority must “have been in existence, with a directly elected mayor in place, for at least 18 months” before it can even submit a request to become an established authority, let alone actually receive the integrated funding.
It has left many mayors in a state of frustration, eager to get on with the work of investing in their regions.
Not least Labour’s Claire Ward, East Midlands Combined County Authority mayor, which has hit its 18 months, applied for established status and subsequent integrated settlement, but still finds itself in ongoing talks with MHCLG about getting to the next step.Ward says: “I want it to move much faster. I want to be in a position where I’m not being held back from the things that we can do in this region because I don’t have the flexibility over the integrated settlements or I don’t have the powers that are going to come with the established status.
“As mayor I feel it’s my duty to be challenging government to explain why I can’t have those powers, why I can’t have additional funding, why I don’t have that flexibility that would allow me to do far more in terms of being able to create that growth of an opportunity in the region.
“I do not want this region to be held back any longer than it needs to be.”
This is precisely the sentiment of Paul Bristow, the Conservative mayor for Cambridgeshire and Peterborough, a new mayor elected to a new role.
“We’re ready,” he says. “The authority had already done a lot of work, before I was elected last year.
“We’re following MHCLG’s guidance on when we can get established mayoral strategic authority status. The government has said it will only consider an integrated settlement for the next spending review, which is 2027.
“I want to progress that as quickly as possible, and perhaps get elements earlier, because the right time to get Cambridgeshire and Peterborough moving is now.”
The approach that’s been increasingly taken by government departments is them telling us how we should be spending the money
The sense of being held back, it seems, isn’t confined to those authorities awaiting the crucial established status.
The South Yorkshire mayoral combined authority was granted EMSA status and promised an integrated settlement as early as the white paper in 2024. Yet still its Labour Co-op mayor, Oliver Coppard, feels deprived of the powers he was promised. Coppard isn’t holding back in his criticism of a devolution system he says is “founded on a lack of trust”.
“We’ve found the process to be not in the spirit of devolution,” he says. “The principle is not being adhered to by the government. The government wants to hold onto the reins.
“And we’ve had concerns about various departments and what we are being asked to achieve with the money we’re being given. It’s the wrong way around. The approach that’s been increasingly taken by government departments is them telling us how we should be spending the money.”
Precisely what devolution was meant to undo.
There have undoubtedly been big steps forward, and real legislative action. There is grand talk of liberating the regions. But clearly, too, there is residual resistance, bureaucratic or otherwise, to releasing the reins.
“That attitude is still there in central government,” says Walker, “where the local state can’t be trusted to deliver people’s priorities. And when something goes wrong the instinct is to take it back to central government control.
“We’ve been hamstrung by a model where central government micromanages things across all of government.”
The Chancellor has identified the problems and recognised the frustrations of the regions: the begging bowl culture needs to end, and the gross imbalance in mayors’ powers and responsibility needs to be redressed.
And she has drawn broad rhetorical strokes for a solution which could truly transform the devolution process for the better.
There are risks. Vividly voicing the frustrations of regional leaders is fine, if you then fix the problems. Fail to find the right formula – or, worse, do a U-turn – and the tensions between Westminster and Whitehall on the one side, and the hamstrung devolved authorities on the other, could escalate.
Labour could find itself overseeing yet another “exercise in local ambition frustrated by central government control”, and the great opportunity devolution offers the nation as much as the regions could be lost.
An MHCLG spokesperson said: “We have a proud record on devolution. We’ve already rolled out more integrated settlements and cut bureaucracy for mayors so they have more freedom to spend in ways that they think work best for their communities. We’re not stopping there, with our English Devolution Bill, fiscal devolution roadmap, and Right to Request process we’re going even further in moving power and money out of Whitehall and into the hands of those who know their areas best.”
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Politics
Politics Home | Andy Burnham Says He Will Scrap Triple Lock To Fund Social Care After General Election

Andy Burnham spoke to conference in Liverpool on Tuesday (Alamy)
6 min read
Andy Burnham has pledged to reform the pension triple lock after the next general election to fund a new social care system.
It is one of several announcements the Prime Minister made in his Labour Party conference speech in Liverpool.
He also said he would launch a national commission on changing the voting system, and look at pursuing closer ties with the European Union.
Burnham said he would use his first conference speech as PM to “break the mould”, saying that “more of the same isn’t good enough” to get the country back on track.
He said he would “make a break with the direction of the past 40 years” and create a Britain “where people feel the country has got their back again. A Britain for everyone, no matter who we are or where we’re born, we would be unstoppable, and we will be.”
Burnham paid tribute to his predecessor Keir Starmer “for the historic victory he achieved for us” at the 2024 general election, before going on to pledge a series of changes that he claimed his generation of politicians had not been brave enough to tackle up to now.
Social care
One of Burnham’s biggest pledges was creating a new National Care Service, to be introduced in the next Parliament, which he claimed was “a landmark policy, as significant as the creation of the NHS itself, and utterly essential to securing its future.”
The PM said his generation of politicians was guilty of “cowardice” for not fixing the issues facing the social care system.
He said he was prepared to take a hit to his popularity to reform the system, saying “someone has to go through the pain barrier and rip the plaster off”.
Addressing social care workers from the stage, Burnham said: “You are not invisible to me. I see you. I thank you, and I am sorry that my profession has let down yours for so long. I promise you, I won’t leave this job without doing everything I can to change.”
Burnham set out a vision for “a person-centred, high-quality care service that starts in the home”. He said it would be “a system in the best traditions of this party, where everyone contributes, and everyone is covered, free at the point of use, and no care charges paid out of your basic state pension”.
Triple lock reform
To help fund his social care plans, Burnham said he would reform the pension triple lock after the next general election.
As things stand, pensions increase in line with whatever is largest out of inflation, wages and 2.5 per cent.
However, Burnham said he would alter the policy to remove wages from 2030.
There have been growing calls for the triple lock to be phased out from critics who argue it not sustainable in the long term.
However, it will be seen as a risky move for Burnham as he seeks re-election, given it will impact large swathes of the public.
Electoral reform
Burnham, a long-term supporter of replacing First Past The Post with a more proportional voting system, announced that he would launch a national commission to look at changing the electoral system in England.
He said that Labour’s next general election manifesto would contain a commitment “to change the electoral system so that everyone’s vote counts, and everyone’s voice is heard.”
“We can’t succeed in the eyes of the world if we continue with the levels of political turbulence we have seen in recent times,” he told conference.
Water reform
The PM said the state of the country’s water industry “is a symbol of what has gone wrong in Britain”.
Referring to the privatisation of infrastructure, Burnham said: “The British right talk about taking back control. Never let them forget. They are the ones that gave it away in the first place.”
He announced that Environment Secretary would present a “strengthened” water legislation to Parliament which would repeal former prime minister Margaret Thatcher’s ban on public ownership of water companies, a move he said “will start a 10-year journey to a very different water system.”
Eagle hinted that government action on Thames Water was coming earlier this week, telling the PoliticsHome podcast The Rundown that “the status quo is not an option”.
Under the changes, mayors will have new powers to hold water companies to account, with tougher consequences for those which repeatedly fail. The PM said that the government will also “close the loopholes used to pay excessive bonuses” to water bosses.
Housing
Burnham announced in his speech that he would pass legislation to make it easier for homes to be reclaimed from negligent landlords.
He said that negligent landlords would face losing those properties if they did not respond to warnings to improve: “If they refuse, we will make it much easier for councils to acquire those homes and we will legislate if necessary.”
“We don’t let people sell food which damages health, so why allow it with homes from now on? We won’t”, Burnham pledged.
Ahead of the conference in Liverpool, Burnham announced a new homes scheme for first-time buyers, saying: “Too many young people are struggling with housing, with many giving up hope on ever having a home to call their own.”
Energy reforms
Burnham also announced the creation of Great British Energy: Great British Grid.
The new grid, he said, will be a “publicly owned company that will challenge the private sector operators”, “increase competition, drive down costs, and speed up connections, so businesses can expand and grow more quickly.”
He also pledged to get down energy prices by “reforming a broken energy market” to better serve the public interest.
“I have asked Miatta Fahnbulleh [the Energy Secretary] to speed up the breaking of the link between what we pay for power at home and the international gas market to get bills down.”
There were also hints made about the potential for controversial North Sea drilling, with Burnham saying he would be “pragmatic” about the situation, “as we build a bridge to a clean energy future and face the climate crisis”.
Education and welfare reform
Burnham also pledged to reform the education and welfare systems to tackle youth unemployment.
On education reform, Burnham said the government would “rebuild a system of comprehensive education in this country. country. With parity between academic and technical, with [Education Secretary] Lucy Powell leading the way.”
Burnham said that the reforms would provide “good quality pathways for all from 14, and the right support for our young people when they need it-a 45-day work placement between 16 and 18, an apprenticeship at 18, and no long waits anymore for mental health support growing up.”
“We will need a fundamental rethink of the welfare system to find the money for these opportunities upfront,” Burnham said.
Future relationship with EU
In the final part of his speech, Burnham hinted at closer alignment with the European Union, a decade after the public voted to leave.
The Labour government has sought closer ties with the bloc since being elected in 2024.
However, speaking on Tuesday, Burnham said he would use a UK-EU summit later this year to produce a series of options for Britain’s long-term relationship with the bloc that he would present to the public.
“I will see if we can find consensus around one, which will give us clarity about our position and the future of the continent that we live in.”
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Politics
The House Opinion Article | The Choices Facing Burnham’s Government On Water

Illustration by Tracy Worrall
8 min read
Campaigning in Makerfield, Andy Burnham threatened Thames Water with public ownership – but has not so far followed through. Ben Gartside reports on a decision that will define his approach to privately owned suppliers of public goods.
What, exactly, does the word ‘control’ mean when applied to those entities that supply vital public goods?
Does it mean full nationalisation, with every decision in the hands of ministers and officials in Whitehall? Or does it rather mean that customers exercise a measure of control over their operation through ownership of a portion of equity? Or some other variant in which locally elected representatives take a golden share in the companies that serve their region?
These are not theoretical questions but are coming sharply into focus as Andy Burnham wrestles with what to do about Thames Water.
As of today, Thames Water supplies 16 million customers, owes more than £20bn and has been in breach of its licence for two years.
A large portion of the Labour Party would like to see the company – which critics say has become emblematic of the failures of utility privatisation – back in public ownership.
Its creditors, however, want to take over the company and keep it afloat by releasing tranches of cash to help the beleaguered firm.
The financiers are quietly optimistic. Industry sources suggest Burnham and the officials supporting him are pragmatic on the issue, and hope that the focus on control could reheat plans for the minister to hold a “golden share” in Thames Water, offering the government a veto while retaining private ownership of the suffering water company.
A concerted effort is being made by some in the City to understand Burnham’s policy brain. Some of Thames Water’s creditors have commissioned research into Burnham’s work on taking buses into public ownership in Greater Manchester, extrapolating out what it would mean for their financial interests.
They take heart from public comments by John Healey, the Chancellor, who insisted that ‘control’ need not mean full nationalisation.
“Some might claim that public control is public ownership,” the Chancellor told his audience, “but it’s broader than that.” What it meant instead was “local leaders and a stronger centre”, accountability for “fair bills, better services, investment that gets delivered”, and “an active state driving better regulation, quicker decisions”.
Within the Labour movement, two rival plans are circling ahead of the party’s conference.
On one side is Mainstream, the group co-founded by Compass and Open Labour. It did more than any other to get Burnham back to Westminster by criticising Keir Starmer’s economic policies from the left and encouraging bolder decision making from the government.
With an ally in No 10, the group is still singing the same tune. Mainstream supports public ownership of water generally, and believes that Thames Water should be put immediately into special administration.
Initially, Burnham struck a similar tone on water. In June, campaigning in Makerfield, Burnham told the Guardian that public ownership was “absolutely an option” and that “for Thames Water, that is what should be done”. By the end of August, the plan to put the company into special administration had gone quiet, with a Whitehall source telling the Times there was “no quick or clean solution without an enormous price tag attached”.
While Mainstream’s motion has been left open-ended for the interpretation of the new government, its motive is clear: a source close to the group says that the system now is itself an attempt at public control without public ownership, and it is not working.
Mainstream is careful to say this is not a confrontation, that it wants the government to succeed, and that the motion is deliberately open. It also does not expect to win. Under Starmer, it tried something similar on the two-child benefit cap last year, had its initial motion blocked but counted the overall shift in tone around the debate as a success.
“Copying the failed model of non-profits like Welsh Water doesn’t get around the questions of compensation, debt or legal risk”
The parliamentary case is led by Clive Lewis, whose own water bill had its first reading a week before the Cunliffe review was commissioned, and who secured an urgent question on the sector in June. He told the Commons then that this “was never a market failure” but “the market working as designed”. Allies of Lewis say that like-minded MPs are prepared to rebel if government proposals do not go far enough.
Lena Swedlow, the deputy director of Compass, tells The House that the left-wing pressure group is now campaigning with Labour MPs to push the government to more wide-ranging action.
“I think we got here because Ofwat and the Starmer-led government believed the creditors and the Thames Water leadership could get themselves out of this mess, which was short-sighted.
“It’s part of the larger theme of Starmer’s No 10 that they didn’t adequately prepare for power, and figures like Morgan McSweeney are now on record saying so. Fast-forward two years later, the hesitance to put Thames Water in special administration is as short-sighted and dangerous.”
Those supportive of implementing the special administration regime are “incensed” by the clear change in government language from public ownership to control.
However, the government is clear that the special administration threshold hasn’t been cleared, as of now. The law only allows it if a company is insolvent or in serious breach of its licence, and while creditors keep lending, Thames is not insolvent. “You either are, or you aren’t,” Environment Secretary Angela Eagle said this month. “And whatever people think of Thames at the moment, it isn’t technically insolvent.”
Another plan is that of the Co-operative Party, which Burnham recently became the first Prime Minister to represent.
A recent report by the Good Growth Foundation think tank, with a foreword by Labour MP Helena Dollimore, proposes a bill that would create a path to mutualisation by encouraging water companies to sell up to customers via a share exchange scheme. If they refused to comply, the bar for an enhanced special administration regime would be lowered.
As with nationalisation, the government is thought to have cooled on the co-operative idea, with industry sources expecting the plans to go nowhere.
Officials recognise that any attempt to mutualise would likely lead to the largest rise in customer bills, as investors would be unwilling to stomach any short-term losses without an equity stake. Investors agree, highlighting the mutualised Welsh Water as having the highest bills in Britain.
The left of the party is sceptical too, for the opposite reason.
Mainstream says mutuals work well in many settings but that water needs something stronger, and that it is not clear mutualisation changes who owns anything.
Swedlow says: “Of course devolved and regional leaders should have a say in the future of water. But copying the failed model of non-profits like Welsh Water doesn’t get around the questions of compensation, debt or legal risk.”
One policy wonk highlights that, currently, the Co-operative Party, the Liberal Democrats and Reform all have policies to mutualise water, all with little clarity about what would actually happen next.
What seems sure either way is a significant downgrade in the powers of Ofwat, with responsibility set to be transferred to ministers. The regulator has not had a permanent chief executive since August 2025, and cannot have a successor until the government’s clean water bill is introduced.
The research of the financiers into Burnham’s bus plan seems to be beneficial – earlier this month, The Telegraph reported that regional bodies would be set up to oversee water companies, with a responsibility to hold company bosses accountable for bills and sewage.
As Burnham battles for control, water waits. For the moment, the sector once in the eye of the storm waits to find out the government’s decision and MPs wait to hear the direction of travel.
Within a month of Labour’s conference in Liverpool, Andy Burnham’s government will have delivered its first Budget and Thames Water’s lenders will have decided whether to extend its emergency funding without a signed rescue deal. Labour’s new 10-year plan promising “stronger public control” of water is set to be delivered by the end of the year too. Here are the three leading plans circulating around Westminster.
Public ownership.
Mainstream, the Andy Burnham-affiliated campaign group co-founded by Compass and Open Labour, has drafted a conference motion calling on the Prime Minister to “urgently return water in England into public ownership”. Its paper, The Productive State, sets out the details: put Thames Water into special administration, restructure its debts and have it function as a national public water corporation, run at arm’s length from ministers and paying for investment by borrowing against customers’ bills.
A private solution.
London & Valley Water, a consortium of 100 investors holding £17bn of Thames’ £21bn debt, wants to take over the beleaguered firm. Its £10bn plan would write off billions of debt, add new capital and pay no dividends until 2035. In return, it wants leniency on penalties worth up to £1bn. In June, the then environment secretary Emma Reynolds said the deal did not go far enough – a month later, the creditors offered the government a “golden share”, offering a veto over important decisions and hostile takeovers.
Mutualisation.
A proposal by the Good Growth Foundation, backed by the Co-operative Party and three Labour metro mayors, suggests a law giving water companies a choice: sell up to customers through a share exchange, or face a lower bar for special administration and leave it as a customer-owned co-operative. While it would keep the debt off the government’s books, investors say that borrowing costs and bills would rise without shareholders to absorb any losses.
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Politics
Politics Home | “Status Quo Not An Option”: Defra Secretary Hints At Action On Thames Water

Andy Burnham is rumoured to make an announcement on Thames Water in his speech to Labour’s party conference (Alamy)
4 min read
Secretary of State for Environment, Food and Rural Affairs Angela Eagle has hinted that government action on Thames Water is coming, telling PoliticsHome that “the status quo is not an option”.
Speaking to PoliticsHome podcast The Rundown at Labour Party conference in Liverpool on Sunday, Eagle said the privatised system currently in place is not “working” and that she is “examining a whole range of potential options”.
Andy Burnham is facing calls to bring Thames Water into public ownership amid MP and public anger with the water company over its significant debts, rising customer bills and sewage leaks. The firm supplies 16m customers across southern England.
The Prime Minister is set to address the issue of private water companies in his first conference speech as PM on Tuesday afternoon, with a preview making the case for “more control of the basics so that we can make it more functional again”.
Eagle told the podcast that “legal certain obligations” meant there were limits on what she could say about Thames Water, but stressed that something has to change.
Asked whether the Thames Water situation would be allowed to stretch out into next year or beyond, Eagle said: “The Thames issue will be dealt with when it’s dealt with.
“We have to be absolutely certain that we do these things properly because there’s potential litigiousness if not done properly.”
The Environment Secretary held her first meeting with the leaders of the company earlier this month, insisting she was “polite”, but asked if she was angry about its conduct, she said: “My predecessor Emma Reynolds wrote to the regulator after Thames made its final offer on restructuring, saying that the offer as it was did not meet the environmental interests, or the interests of the customers.
“That’s where we are. There’s been a lot of stuff in the newspapers about how Thames are going to make a different offer that hasn’t materialised in fact yet.
“So I will wait and see what they come up with. But what’s absolutely certain is the status quo is not an option.”
The Labour MP for Wallasey continued: “We have had 40 years of a privatised water system that has not delivered the benefits that those that privatised it said it would.
“It was privatised without debt, so debt-free. It’s now £85bn in debt, and we have collapsing infrastructure in many places, high levels of water bills and sewage in our rivers and sea.
“That is not a system that’s working. And the Prime Minister has asked me to look to see what we can do to improve that, and that is what I’m doing.”
Elsewhere in the interview, Eagle, who is one of the longest-serving MPs in the House of Commons, said it feels easier to get things done in the Burnham government than it did in the Keir Starmer administration, explaining that, in her view, the civil service had become “very encrusted in process” in recent years.
She said there’s a “more coherent direction” at the centre of government thanks to Burnham’s vision: “We know what his basic parameters are and what he wants to achieve.”
Eagle, who revealed this was her 46th Labour conference, said Whitehall was much less “process” focused when Labour was last in power than it is now.
Reflecting on her time as an environment minister in the Tony Blair government, she told the podcast: “It was very, very different the second time around than the first. The first time was much faster decisions, much less process to get through.”
The cabinet minister told PoliticsHome there are too many consultations in the civil service, “consultations just coming out of every pore for no obvious reason,” joking: “You have to have a government write-round about whether you can breathe in.”
Eagle said much of it is because departments are worried about leaving themselves open to judicial review, where their decisions are taken to court and potentially overturned.
But she added: “We just have to get the boat out of the harbour, turn it over, get all the barnacles off it, and see if we can actually get faster processes.”
The Rundown is presented by Alain Tolhurst, and is produced and edited by Lulu Goad and Ewan Cameron for Podot
- Click here to listen to the full conversation with Angela Eagle on the latest episode of The Rundown, or search for ‘PoliticsHome’ wherever you get your podcasts.
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