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“The Ministry Of Detail”: The Quibble Campaigners Focused On Life’s Little Frustrations

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'The Ministry Of Detail': The Quibble Campaigners Focused On Life's Little Frustrations


6 min read

Most political campaigns try to bring about major change. Now, two political insiders are trying to make life better by focusing on the small things. Ben Gartside investigates

Ever got cross trying to key in details to a parking app? Nettled by endless cookie approvals? Mildly piqued by that redundant phone box? Quibble is here to help.

Most political campaigns promise sweeping change. This one aims to remove pebbles from shoes, oil squeaky hinges and stop the dripping taps that bedevil service delivery.

Founded by human rights campaigner Jonathan de Leyser and civil servant Abigail Bradshaw, the self-styled ‘nuisance lobbyists’ have both learned the hard way that banking small wins is better than fruitless hunts for big change.

“In Britain and in the international community, progress can be very, very slow, but I think part of the experience of that is that you look for low-hanging fruit where you can,” says de Leyser. 

“You look for minor things: you’re not going to get regime change in North Korea, but you might be able to help an individual case for someone being extradited. So, you learn to calibrate your expectations a bit.”

Self-described as “The Ministry of Detail”, Bradshaw and de Leyser are trying to become a two-person campaign to combat Britain’s gripes with the public sector.

Quibble’s desire to “sweat the small stuff” is influenced by Rory Sutherland, the TikTok-famous advertising guru renowned for his rants on consumer issues, from whom they borrowed the phrase.

According to leading pollster Luke Tryl, the pair have identified a gap in the political market.

“The word Britons are most likely to use to describe the country is ‘broken’ – for many, that refers to big issues like the cost of living, migration or the NHS.

“But these macro issues are exaggerated by people’s frustrations with every day frictions, the series of things that just make life harder, more frustrating: forms that don’t work, getting stuck on hold, the 8am GP call. All of these add together to create a sense not just things are bad but that the state is actively making life harder.”

The duo are happy to be part of a new vanguard in British politics battling over the minutiae, alongside the bombastic Looking for Growth campaign or the litany of Doge impersonators which have crossed the Atlantic.

Unlike the other detail-orientated campaigns, Quibble is not planning on adopting a hostile approach. Bradshaw, who has sat in the same hot seat as many of the people she’s now trying to influence, is instinctively supportive of civil servants.

“Not many people go in wanting to do it badly. Part of our role is trying to help people achieve what they already want to achieve.”

The campaign has already been welcomed by MPs on either side of the political divide, with Labour’s Andrew Western and the Conservatives’ Tom Tugendhat celebrating the launch.

Bradshaw and de Leyser are trying to keep a relatively narrow Venn diagram for the issues they take on. Issues must be common, and must be the responsibility of the government or a public body. So far, the pair have identified four initial quibbles.

First has been to cut down the constant cookie permissions on webpages, which the pair say is adding an onerous amount of time for limited data protection.

Another is making small mistakes when keying in details at public car parks, where fines are applied liberally in spite of those paying having acted in good faith, such as errors where keying a zero instead of an “O” could land motorists a hefty fine.

The pair also want to rename the “Tax-Free Childcare” scheme, which adds an extra 20 per cent on top of any funds deposited by parents towards accredited childcare providers. Despite being launched in 2017, less than half of eligible parents are currently using the scheme – Quibble reckons a simple renaming would increase uptake.

Finally, Quibble has set its sights on the UK’s telephone boxes. Despite their iconic design, many find themselves in a decrepit state with no functional purpose. Bradshaw and de Leyser have taken it upon themselves to take a critical look at the boxes, which number approximately 20,000 across the country.

“People are angry about very specific kinds of things in their lives. But nobody is sorting them out”

With an array of campaigns to take on, the pair are now trying to vet the variety of suggestions they’ve received from the general public since launching, attempting to separate one person’s niche pet peeve from a systemic but finicky problem in the public eye.

Complaints to them have ranged from ambulance sirens being too loud, and martial arts swords being too hard to import, to banning Captcha forms from using letters that look too similar.

The pair’s plan to retain sanity is by keeping a pretty tight net on what they consider an actionable campaign.

“It’s been really interesting to hear the range of suggestions,” de Leyser says diplomatically.

“People are angry about very specific kinds of things in their lives. But there’s a lot in which people are feeling like they’re not being heard and that there are things that to them are, and to us, feel like fairly obvious wrongs or fairly minor things. But nobody is sorting them out.”

Unlike much of the political tide in the country, Quibble is not calling for an overhaul in the British polity. In fact, the pair think small tweaks can make a huge amount of difference.

Bradshaw says: “Many years of working in the Civil Service taught me that sometimes that’s true, but sometimes policy just isn’t made in an ideal way and actually, sometimes very small changes to policy and policy design have a huge impact on the way that people experience that policy.”

Bradshaw’s career as a civil servant meant she had sympathy for the civil servants in charge of policy. Now a stay-at-home mother, she says her experience of stepping back from day-to-day news has given her a better understanding of how some things done by the government hadn’t been fully appreciated.

“In the world of policy, you assume that everyone is interested. As the quibbles have been coming through as I’m reading them, I’m thinking, ‘Oh, that’s interesting, I’m pretty sure that the government did something on that last year.’”

As political rhetoric has ramped up, with more radical politics becoming mainstream, Quibble hopes to solve the lesser-spotted exasperations with everyday life and perhaps even bring society back together at the same time.

De Leyser says: “I think that’s the thing about Quibble. People might not agree on the best way to solve them but all of these issues are quite common sense and quite easy for people to understand why they’re a problem. And there’s not that much controversy in saying, why is there an empty phone box that doesn’t even work on the street?” 

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Politics Home Article | Labour MP Wants Tech-Facilitated Violence Against Women Defined In Law

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Labour MP Wants Tech-Facilitated Violence Against Women Defined In Law

Labour Jess Asato has commenced legal proceedings against Elon Musk’s artificial intelligence company, xAI (Alamy)


5 min read

Labour MP Jess Asato has called on the government to create a legal definition of technology-facilitated violence against women and girls, arguing that stronger protections are needed to tackle the growing threat of AI-generated abuse.

Earlier this year, GrokAI – Elon Musk’s xAI company’s tool – generated non-consensual sexualised images of Asato, including bikini photos and a video showing her being chloroformed and prepared for a sexual assault.

The MP for Lowestoft, elected in 2024, has filed a civil claim in the High Court against xAI, alleging breaches of UK data protection law and misuse of private information.

Asato told PoliticsHome that the Online Safety Act, which started to come into force last year, must be strengthened to protect women, girls and other vulnerable people online.

As part of this, the Labour government should consider creating a statutory definition of technology-facilitated violence against women and girls, she said.

“At the moment, the violence against women and girls guidance from Ofcom is very comprehensive, but nobody’s following it,” she said. 

“That’s partly because it doesn’t have statutory teeth, and so from my perspective, there is a very good case, which has been made for a while by the women’s sector, that the VAWG [violence against women and girls] guidance should be made mandatory and given proper regulatory status.”

Asato hopes that her case against X can set a legal precedent by testing whether an AI developer can be held liable for the design and deployment of its system, rather than the person who prompted the generation of the content. 

She said she also hopes that ministers reconsider the introduction of a third-party advocacy body that could assess individual cases, collate evidence of breaches across multiple platforms, and monitor the implementation of the Online Safety Act, explaining that when she discovered the GrokAI-generated images of her, there was “nowhere else for me to go” after X said the content reported did not go against the platform’s standards.

During the passage of the Online Safety Bill, peers tabled several amendments designed to give individuals stronger representation. Baroness Kidron and others tabled an amendment to establish an Advocacy Body for Children, but it was not accepted. As it stands, Ofcom cannot investigate individual cases.

“That was a real missed opportunity,” Asato said.

“One of the problems Ofcom has is that if it’s not able to collate individual cases, it isn’t able to see the sum total of the harm that is occurring, and therefore be able to prove back to the companies that they are not following the Online Safety Act.

“Calls are definitely growing for there to be much stronger accountability, either given to Ofcom or another body entirely.”

Dex Hunter-Torricke, who spent more than a decade leading communications for some of the world’s biggest technology companies, including senior roles advising Musk, Mark Zuckerberg and Eric Schmidt, told PoliticsHome he found it “extraordinary” that the burden is placed on individuals like Asato to have to take legal action against platforms to prevent the generation of non-consensual images.

“Surely this is the entire point of passing legislation to protect people online,” he said. 

“We need to have a better systemic fix for that. Most people don’t have the resources all the time to go and defend themselves, especially if that might involve a legal case. It’s very, very troubling that after so many years arguing about how to protect people online, we still don’t actually have our right mechanisms in place as a country.”

Asato has welcomed the government’s announcement that it will go ahead with a ban on certain social media platforms for under-16-year-olds, describing it as a “big, brave step”, alongside other announcements such as new plans by the government to force Big Tech companies to activate built-in features or implement technical solutions on smartphones to detect and block nude images for children.

Despite her experience on the site, Asato has decided to continue using X as a social media platform, and not say when asked whether the government should stay on it.

“Many politicians have left X for very understandable reasons of safety and well-being, but I stay on it because I don’t want to be bullied off a platform,” she said.

Another Labour MP, Alistair Strathern, has proposed a new law to make Relationships and Sex Education mandatory up to 18 to help combat violence against women and girls.

Strathern, who is co-chair of the Labour Group for Men and Boys and a former teacher, said: “For too long, children in further education have missed out because of gaps in the provision of Relationships and Sex Education.

“At a time when the worst corners of the internet are preying on teenagers, with their own harmful takes on what makes a healthy relationship, we surely owe young people far better than this.

‘My bill will put this right and make it mandatory for all settings to give children the space, support and advice they need as they navigate this formative stage. With 16-19-year-olds facing the highest rates of domestic abuse of any age group, the real-world consequences of failing to act couldn’t be clearer.”

PoliticsHome has contacted the Department for Science, Innovation and Technology for comment.

 

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Politics Home Article | PM Says He Wants Andy Burnham To Have A “Big Role” In Government

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PM Says He Wants Andy Burnham To Have A 'Big Role' In Government

Starmer was speaking ahead of the by-election on Thursday (Alamy)


2 min read

Keir Starmer has suggested that he would offer Andy Burnham a cabinet job if the Greater Manchester Mayor wins the Makerfield by-election on Thursday.

The Prime Minister also reiterated that he would not walk away from Downing Street, saying that the Labour Party should focus on winning the Manchester mayoral election that would be triggered by Burnham becoming an MP, not a leadership contest.

On Thursday, voters in Makerfield will head to the polls in what is widely seen as the most significant by-election of recent times, with Burnham widely expected to launch a bid to replace Starmer in No 10 if he is victorious. 

Speaking to Sky News at the G7 in France, the Prime Minister described Burnham as a “huge asset”.

“I’m sure I’ll talk to Andy after the weekend, of course I will. I’ve spoken to him many times in recent weeks,” he said.

“He’s a huge asset. He’s been a fantastic mayor in Manchester. If he comes back into Parliament…He’ll be a fantastic asset for our party and for the country.”

Asked if he would bring Burnham into his cabinet if the mayor wins in Makerfield tomorrow, Starmer said: “Oh, Andy is a great asset. And, yes, I want him to have a big role in government.”

Starmer could face a formal leadership challenge within days of a Burnham victory in Makerfield, with not just Burnham but also former health secretary Wes Streeting expected to launch bids. The resignation of John Healey as defence secretary over defence spending last week put added pressure on the PM’s precarious position.

The PM has said he would fight any bid to replace him, but accepted that he has “got to turn things round” following bruising local election results in May.

“That’s what I want to do. And I’ve been very clear about that. Okay. Do I recognise that? That means we’ve got to turn things around. Yes, I do, but that’s what I want to do. But, yes, I recognise ahead of local election results. So we’ve got to turn that around.”

Burnham’s biggest obstacle to victory in Makerfield on Thursday is Nigel Farage’s Reform UK. A More In Common opinion poll published last week put candidate Robert Kenyon five percentage points behind Burnham (45 vs 40).

 

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The House | National Maternity Adviser Michelle Welsh: “We Are Not Waiting For More Babies To Die”

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National Maternity Adviser Michelle Welsh: “We Are Not Waiting For More Babies To Die”

Photo by Nikki Powell


11 min read

Labour MP Michelle Welsh has just been appointed the government’s first national maternity adviser. She tells Sienna Rodgers about her personal experience of birth trauma and why she’s fighting for all mums and babies to be better treated by our maternity services

Michelle Welsh has a heart-shaped womb. It sounds beautiful. This ‘concave’ uterus did, however, contribute to her having a complicated pregnancy. “Not complicated in the sense that the baby was going to die,” she clarifies. “It should have been very straightforward: C-section.”

Particularly as her baby was breech, a C-section was what the doctors ordered. But when she went into labour before her planned caesarean, Welsh called Nottingham City Hospital, expecting they would follow their own advice to admit her straight away. Instead, the midwife told her she didn’t have time to check her file, and she would not be let onto the ward.

When Welsh was eventually admitted to the maternity unit, her waters had broken. They went to check her baby’s heartbeat; the first two machines didn’t work and the third couldn’t find one.

“No one comforted me. No one held my hand. No one explained to me what was going on,” she recalls. “I sat next to a machine when my baby had stopped moving, and the machine was flatlining. They were telling me, ‘You don’t need to have a C-section till nine o’clock.’ This was two o’clock in the morning. ‘So, you’re telling me I’ve got to wait seven hours for my baby to be born? Seven hours?’”

In telling her birth story, Welsh reveals to The House that staff performed an internal examination without consent, which amounts to assault. “I had an internal examination with no painkillers and no warning. The pain – I cannot describe the amount of pain that I was in. I was already contracting, and they hadn’t given me any painkillers,” she says.

“I can understand that there aren’t enough people on a ward. I can understand that people have done more work than what they should, so they’re rushed off their feet. I can understand somebody making a mistake because of that. What I’ll never be able to get my head around is why did they treat me, personally, so bad? With such contempt and disdain? So awful to me and my unborn baby.

“I would never, ever talk to anybody like that. I certainly wouldn’t talk to somebody like that who is vulnerable, in pain and at risk of losing their child.”

Welsh nonetheless describes herself as “lucky”. When a new midwife came on, she read her notes and saw what was happening. Next, Welsh heard an argument outside her room with a consultant, who “begrudgingly” returned and – still without having said a word to the birthing mum – admitted to the midwife, “Yeah, you’re right, we need to get her down now.”

“There was mad, mad panic, and the bit that always gets to me, that I get flashbacks about, is… sorry,” Welsh pauses. Her emotions come to the surface most when remembering the experience of her partner, Richard.

“I didn’t realise until I was in that room how significant that first nappy is: you pull it out and it’s so tiny. Richard always says when he pulled out the nappy, there was a realisation then that at any moment now there was going to be a baby, and it was going to be out, and it was going to be ours.

“I don’t know where his head was at the moment, but I think he still had complete faith that everything was going to be okay. I didn’t. I didn’t say anything to him, because I was trying to protect him in all of this.

“I felt so ill, as well. I just felt so ill. There he was, holding his baby’s first nappy, pushing a heart machine, because there was nobody to push the heart machine beside my bed, with his son’s heartbeat flatlining. That was his start to fatherhood.”

She ended up having an emergency C-section and her son, William, lived. The trauma didn’t end there, though: although she was told they would be checked on every 10 minutes, when she woke up from a nap – of, she thinks, about 90 minutes – he was covered in his own sick.

Thankfully, Welsh walked out of hospital with her baby. “Billy’s a bit of a miracle,” she says of her only child, now six years old. He came as a surprise after a decade of trying to conceive, made difficult by her polyendocrine metabolic ovarian syndrome and endometriosis.

Too many other parents have not left the same hospital with their babies. The Nottingham maternity scandal, now the largest in NHS history, has triggered a review by midwife Donna Ockenden who is investigating around 2,500 cases of baby loss and harm to mothers and babies at Nottingham University Hospitals (NUH) NHS Trust. It is running alongside an investigation by Nottingham police, ‘Operation Perth’.

Ockenden is expected to deliver her report later this month, around the same time as the final conclusions of the national maternity inquiry being conducted by Baroness Amos.

Welsh, who says she has spoken to almost 1,000 affected families, refuses to attribute these failures to NHS resourcing constraints alone. “In some cases, it’s quite clear there was a staffing issue. But in other cases,” she concludes, “it was a cultural issue.”

“I’m not saying there aren’t great people working in Nottingham – there are. But there was a systematic cultural issue within Nottingham that went on for years that was never challenged,” she adds.

“Honestly, I cannot believe – after everything I know now, and everything I’ve read – that they didn’t know they were putting my son’s life and my life in danger. I just don’t believe it. I think they were prepared to take the risk.”

The MP for Sherwood Forest was further convinced of this when, a few months ago, a critic of the Ockenden inquiry asked for an appointment at her surgery to argue against the need for it. She turned out to be on obstetrician still working at NUH. “So, not only is she sat there in front of me, she’d been involved in my care – but there she was, telling me, ‘There’s nothing to see, it’s not that bad’. That’s a problem.”

Michelle Welsh, Photo by Nikki Powell
Photo by Nikki Powell

Welsh was raised on a council estate in Nottinghamshire by a postman father and a mother who worked in cafés before becoming a childminder. Growing up around “absolute poverty” shaped her politics early.

“We would get a knock on the door from someone down the road that my mom knew, who would say, ‘Have you got anything I can feed the kids for tea?’” Welsh struggled to explain the injustice of their circumstances: “These are people who would give you their last 50p, but they’re poor. How is it that these good people are poor?”

With both parents involved in Labour, Welsh joined the party at 16. She worked through sixth-form and university in elderly care, as well as doing stints in Next, Co-op, chicken and soft drinks factories. As an Oasis fan, she had a gig habit to fund. It took her years to be able to eat chicken again.

She had hoped to pursue sport, but that dream ended when she broke her leg badly while playing football at 17. Instead, she read history and politics at Leeds. From there, a US summer camp led to several years setting up projects for vulnerable children across the east coast. The stark inequalities she saw alarmed her.

Back in Britain, Welsh managed a “huge project” across Nottinghamshire for the New Labour government, supporting disadvantaged children and setting up Sure Start centres. In 2010, Coalition cuts came in: “Literally overnight, all these projects that I was running, and all this funding, was just ripped apart… It massively woke me up to the reality of what politics was all about.” She got a job for the local council leader, then MP Vernon Coaker, and was six months pregnant when he lost his seat.

Elected as the Labour MP for Sherwood Forest in 2024, Welsh became chair of the Maternity All-Party Parliamentary Group. A ‘harmed mother’ herself, she has now been appointed by government as the first-ever national maternity adviser.

Her new role, she says, does not supplant that of the maternity commissioner, which so many campaigners have called for.

“The national maternity adviser is something needed now, here in the present, but it should not be instead of a maternity commissioner. A maternity commissioner would sit up here, have a team around them, have regular data sent to them, so we don’t have another situation like Nottingham, Shrewsbury or Telford,” she explains, listing the areas recently subject to maternity inquiries.

“When data starts looking skew-whiff, not as it should be, the maternity commissioner goes to that hospital with their team. A bit like an Ofsted inspection, but in a supportive way: ‘What is going on?’ If there is something going on, they send people in straight away, no messing around. We’re not going to wait for more babies to die.”

What must go, she says, is “soft criteria” allowing NHS trusts to implement their own interpretations of recommended policies.

“You’ve only got to look at the bereavement care pathway: one will have a cupboard somewhere with some posters; others will have a really nice room; others will have a dedicated midwife. But all of them will report back to NHS England, ‘We deliver the bereavement care pathway’. Not good enough.”

Sometimes staff prioritise avoiding litigation risks, which stops them seeing patients as real people. After all, 2025 figures showed the NHS has reached the point where it spends more on maternity litigation than on running maternity services. At the same time, there is the need for more accountability. How would Welsh resolve those tensions?

“It’s hard,” she admits. But she is clear that the regulators – the Care Quality Commission, Nursing and Midwifery Council and General Medical Council – are not working.

“The CQC, the NMC, and the GMC are unfit for purpose,” the MP says. “Those three organisations need to go, and we need to establish an umbrella organisation that allows for when things go wrong, midwives, doctors, obstetricians to have a safe place to be able to say, ‘This is what went wrong, and why that happened’. Families have to have a place where they can say, ‘This went wrong. I want you to tell me what went wrong and why.’

“Does that lead to a ‘no-fault’ place? No, I don’t think it does, at this stage. To rush into that, when you have the attitudes of what I have described working in our maternity services, would be wrong.”

Families in Nottinghamshire, she points out, never received birth debriefs, which are offered as standard in London hospitals, for example. And yet many traumatised parents say they simply want to know what happened and hear the word ‘sorry’.

“Because you accept that sometimes things do go awfully wrong, but the minute people try to keep that away from you, or don’t give you your notes, or redact your notes…” she trails off.

“I passed out. I lost consciousness. There are no notes that exist that talk about the fact that I nearly dropped my baby on the floor and was unconscious for a period of time, and Richard thought I was dead. He actually thought I’d died on the table. There’s no notes anywhere. No one can tell me what happened. I have to frequently say to Richard, ‘It did happen, didn’t it?’”

She wants the right to a debrief introduced everywhere, as well as continuity of care, which would extend throughout the whole of pregnancy until at least two months after birth. “It’s not good enough that when you get home, they say, ‘You have to go to the health visitor now. We’re done with you. Sorry.’” The change sounds simple but would make a radical difference to maternal experiences.

Many campaigners say an inquiry without statutory powers is insufficient. What does the national maternity adviser think?

“I think there are questions that will still be left unanswered,” she replies. While she is confident that Amos and Ockenden will be thorough, “I also don’t think they’re going to solve everything.” Services will not improve without “big, bold policies”, the MP adds, so “we have to keep the door open” to a public inquiry.

“I get to celebrate Billy’s birthdays. I got to see Billy’s first day at school. I get to go and see his sports days, work permitting. I get to see him play guitar in a rock concert. I have spoken to hundreds and hundreds of families that have been denied that opportunity.

“Nobody makes me happier than my son. He is everything – absolutely everything – to me. And so, who am I to deny that mother or that father the answers that they need? I’m not ever going to be that person.”

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