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The House | Olivia Bailey On The Conversion Practices Bill: “I’m Not Interested In Scaremongering”

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Olivia Bailey On The Conversion Practices Bill: 'I'm Not Interested In Scaremongering'


7 min read

Legislation to ban abusive conversion practices has reached Parliament eight years after it was first promised. Noah Vickers quizzes equalities minister Olivia Bailey on how it will work

For many LGBTQ+ people across Britain, the publication of a draft bill to ban conversion practices is a long overdue cause for celebration. First promised by Theresa May in 2018, and recommitted to by Labour in its 2024 manifesto, ministers have finally drawn up legislation to outlaw practices that seek to “convert” people away from being LGBTQ+. In the time since May’s promise, bans have been passed in Germany, France, Spain and several other countries.

But the bill faces criticism from some who fear its provisions are too far-reaching and others who say it does not go far enough to stamp out abuse. Some also question why it is needed, as violent acts and many forms of psychological abuse are already unlawful.

Equalities minister Olivia Bailey insists the bill will address “gaps in the law” through which conversion practices take place.

One example, she says, is coercive control legislation, which only applies where the abuser and their victim are personally connected through an intimate or family relationship, “whereas in conversion practices, it may well be somebody that is not an intimate partner, somebody that’s not known to you”.

Bailey says the bill will also create a “definition in law” of what conversion practices are, to ensure the abuse is prosecuted. She points to other offences, like non-fatal strangulation and upskirting, where legal definitions were specifically devised to address them.

The bill defines a conversion practice as “any conduct” carried out with the intention of causing another person to have or not to have, or to believe they have or do not have, a particular sexuality or transgender identity.

But an offence only occurs where that conduct “amounts to an abuse of the individual”. In determining that, consideration would be given as to whether words or behaviour “of a sexual nature” or which are “violent or threatening” or “controlling or coercive” have been used, and whether “economic” or “psychological or emotional” pressure has been applied, “among other things”.

The victim must also have been caused “serious harm” to their “mental or physical health”, or “serious alarm or distress” that has a “substantial adverse effect on their usual day-to-day activities”.

Perpetrators would face a prison sentence of up to five years, a fine, or both.

The law will prohibit not only conversion practices aimed at making someone straight or not transgender, but also, at least in principle, practices aimed at making someone adopt an LGBTQ+ identity.

The main point of contention is how those criminal thresholds will operate in practice.

Liberal Democrat peer Lord Scriven, who welcomed the legislation as a “relief” to those who had endured an “unacceptable practice”, also pointed out in a parliamentary speech that “a parent who in good faith advises a child to take time or who expresses questions about social or medical transition is acting out of care and duty for their child’s protection”. 

The bill, he said, must “guarantee that these supportive conversations within families do not unintentionally cause a crime to have been committed”.

Gender-critical organisations such as Sex Matters meanwhile claim that parents, teachers and others could be “at risk of being subjected to investigation if they do not affirm that someone is ‘male’ or ‘female’ (or both, or neither) based on their personal declaration rather than their biology”.

The House asks Bailey whether a parent could face criminal charges, for example, if their child tells them they are trans and the parent tells them they do not accept their identity, they will not be using their preferred pronouns and they will not allow them to wear the clothes they want to wear.

The minister replies that, in any case reaching the criminal justice system, it would be for the court to decide whether the bill’s three “tests” have been triggered, including the intent to change someone’s identity, whether the practice was abusive, and whether the victim suffered serious harm. She insists this threshold is “very clear” and in line with other forms of legislation.

“It is not the case that somebody who has an opinion about my identity – somebody may say ‘I don’t agree with the fact you’re a lesbian’; people do say that to me sometimes – that does not count as a conversion practice,” she says. “That is not an attempt to change me, it is not an abusive practice, it is not causing me serious harm.”

Bailey stresses: “This is about abuse – it is about a very specific form of abuse. It is not about policing opinions, it is not about policing how parents parent, and it is for the courts to determine, not politicians, but – rightly – for the courts to determine what meets that threshold of abuse.”

Asked whether she expects any parents to go to prison as a result of the legislation, Bailey replies: “I think that anybody committing abuse, no matter where you find it, no matter in what walk of life – there are not carve-outs for abuse for parents in any other legal environment.

“So, I think it is completely right that we just say very clearly in this legislation: we want to stop abuse, we want to stop abuse wherever it happens. Full stop. End of story.”

Some of the bill’s opponents suggest ulterior motives are at work. Baroness Fox, a non-affiliated peer, tells The House that the legislation seems to her “a backdoor attempt at bringing in a version of self-ID” for trans people.

“There are not carve-outs for abuse for parents in any other legal environment”

Bailey rejects this characterisation entirely, saying: “I just think that’s completely wrong. I would encourage Baroness Fox to engage with the detail of the legislation.

“I’m not interested in scaremongering about this legislation. I’m interested in stopping this very specific form of abuse on LGBT people, which is happening today, which is real, and is having a horrible impact on the LGBT community. That’s what this bill is about.”

The government has not wholly succeeded in satisfying LGBTQ+ campaigners with the draft bill either.

TransActual, a trans rights group which met with Bailey in December 2025, says the government has drafted a bill with “so many loopholes that it has practically written an instruction manual on how to get away with conversion abuse”.

Healthcare services, they point out, are exempt from the bill’s provisions, which they say will mean the “tortuous practice will be allowed to continue in healthcare settings, regulated and unregulated alike”.

Bailey says the clause was included following feedback from therapists who “raised concerns about a chilling effect” on clinicians’ ability to have exploratory conversations with patients.

The bill’s explanatory notes confirm that “people working in all public and private, regulated and non-regulated sectors” of healthcare will be exempt, with the broad nature of that wording prompting concerns that it could provide a get-out to anyone who says they are a therapist.

Bailey insists: “If somebody comes along who is intending to conduct an abusive conversion practice and attempts to claim that they’re a healthcare professional in order to try and avoid this legislation, that will not be possible.”

The healthcare exemption ceases to apply, she points out, if someone using it “acts in a way that falls far below the standards reasonably expected of a person in their position”.

What qualifies in each case as falling “far below” such standards would be another decision for the courts, with the bill’s explanatory notes stating it would be “equivalent to a threshold of gross negligence”.

Saba Ali, chair of the Ban Conversion Practices Coalition, tells The House: “We understand that the clauses on healthcare have raised alarm for some, especially the trans community, and pre-legislative scrutiny will be vital to ensure the draft bill strikes the right balance.

“LGBTQ+ people must be able to access healthcare services, and professionals must be able to practice with confidence. Legislation must also ensure all abuse is captured, whether perpetrated by regulated or unregulated professionals.”

Bailey acknowledges that the government may have to accept changes to the bill during its parliamentary journey. 

“We’ve published this bill for pre-legislative scrutiny deliberately,” she says. “I actively encourage and want people to debate it with us, discuss it with us, tell us where we’ve got it right, tell us where we need to improve it…

“I think we’ve got this right, personally… but we will continue to discuss it, we will continue to debate it, and I am really open: if we’ve got it wrong, if we need to tweak it, whatever, we’re really open to doing that.” 

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The House | From ‘Andy For Us’ To ‘Andy By Us’: Deliberative Democracy Supporters Raise Their Hopes

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From 'Andy For Us' To 'Andy By Us': Deliberative Democracy Supporters Raise Their Hopes

Illustration by Tracy Worrall


10 min read

The use of deliberative democracy in policymaking has been gaining traction of late. Matilda Martin finds its advocates hoping Andy Burnham embraces it in government

Andy Burnham’s first major policy speech after winning the Makerfield by-election was a full-throated battle cry for devolution. “Imagine what it would feel like to live in a country wired to work for local people instead of against them,” he asked of his audience.

The incoming prime minister well knows, however, that it will take more than a few more powers for metro mayors to restore trust in politics, which is at an all-time low. Some around him believe that, to make a reality of his dream of a “country wired to work for local people”, something altogether more radical will be needed.

Advocates of so-called ‘deliberative democracy’ hope Burnham may adopt at least some of their agenda.

“Deliberative democracy is a way of bringing people into the policy decisions that are being made that affect their lives,” explains Miriam Levin, director of participatory programmes at Demos.

Unlike a run-of-the-mill consultation, the process of deliberative democracy runs “all the way through to the end point, and the recommendations are acted on”, Levin adds. “Because that’s the thing that rebuilds trust between citizens and state, which is on the floor right now.”

Such an approach aims to rebuild trust between people and the state, with politicians and policymakers working with the public to tackle big policy areas, ensuring that their voices feed directly into the finished product. Its advocates see the current form of policymaking as too limited and partisan, calling for approaches such as citizens’ assemblies, citizens’ juries and citizens’ panels.

The idea of deliberative democracy and its various forms has been around for a long time, but interest in the process and what it can do for policymaking has been growing among MPs in recent years.

Some in the Burnham team are open to the idea, and the approach has already been embraced in some areas of Greater Manchester.

In November last year, Burnham was present at the launch of the Participation Playbook, a resource created by the Greater Manchester Integrated Care Partnership, “bringing together tools and examples of participatory methods from citizens’ assemblies and participatory budgeting to co-production and digital democracy”.

The document states that for too long, “decisions have been made about people, not with them” and a new approach in Greater Manchester will see a world in which “decisions are made by the people, for the people – where community power and participatory democracy thrive”.

Burnham ally Neal Lawson believes the use of deliberative democracy could be something that Burnham’s team is open to exploring. Reflecting on Burnham’s policy priorities, he points to a change in the voting system to proportional representation, highlighting that a citizens’ assembly-style approach could fit well within a national commission.

Wigan MP and Culture Secretary Lisa Nandy was a vice-chair of the All-Party Parliamentary Group (APPG) on Deliberative Democracy. She is a long-time key Burnham ally and was the first Cabinet minister to join Burnham in Makerfield on the campaign trail.

“There are people around him, like Josh Simons, who are quite pro-citizens’ assemblies as I understand it,” Lawson adds, referring to the former minister who stood down as an MP in May to pave the way for Burnham’s route back to Westminster. Simons is expected to play a key role in the new Makerfield MP’s government.

Simons told The House in 2024 – when he was director of Labour Together, before entering Parliament – that he favoured citizens’ assemblies for subjects concerning public health or other behaviour where the policy solution requires people to comply, such as a smoking ban.

“It can be a political way of making a decision that requires the consent of a certain group of people for the policy to actually work. The political opportunities that it opens up for the politicians are much more important than any enduring legitimacy it could get for that policy,” he said.

Burnham with supporters in Makerfield

Simons’ track record shows an affinity for deliberative democracy when it comes to tricky policy areas. As a minister, he oversaw the government’s digital ID policy. First announced by Keir Starmer in September last year, the initiative prompted an immense backlash. Labour figures, including those in government, widely thought the initial bid to communicate the policy – rushed, and framed in terms of migration control rather than the fundamentals of a modern state – was flawed.

PoliticsHome revealed in December that ministers would tour the country in early 2026 to discuss the plan with voters, with the government later revealing shortly after Simons’ departure that 100 people would be randomly selected from across Britain to contribute to the government’s consultation on digital ID.

Ian Murray, the minister now responsible for the policy – and a Burnham ally – is positive about the impact of the approach.

Murray would like to see more uses of deliberative democracy such as the citizens’ assembly in government policymaking. Speaking to The House, he says that, in the past, the country has tended to have referenda for some of the biggest issues that people are most concerned about “with a binary choice on very complicated questions”.

The use of the citizens’ assembly in feeding into the digital ID policy allowed the government to work in partnership with the public, Murray said, and was a way to tackle the “anxiety and misinformation” that existed around the policy.

He adds that while those involved may still have disagreed at the end of the process, they “at least understood it and were able to feed back their anxieties to develop the policy”.

Lawson, who campaigned for a citizens’ assembly for Brexit, believes that a more collaborative approach could be used for immigration and welfare when it comes to finding “the balance between rights and responsibilities”.

“If his slogan for the by-election was ‘Andy for us’, his slogan for government should be ‘Andy by us’,” Lawson adds.

The former strategy adviser to Tony Blair believes that deliberative democracy, combined with proportional representation, devolving power down to the lowest possible levels and reinventing the House of Lords could take the heat out of politics and bring people back together.

A Burnham spokesperson says he “has been clear that Westminster politics is broken and that Britain needs a fundamental shift of power out of the centre and into the hands of the people and places best able to use it”.

If we are going to crack that unity issue and that cohesiveness, but also take away the polarisation of politics, we’ve got to go much more round a deliberative approach

They add that Burnham’s approach is “about giving people and communities greater agency over the decisions that affect their lives”, which would mean “place-based collaboration, a new operating principle for government, with power flowing to every region and nation of the UK, decisions taken closer to the people they affect, and a politics that is less about point scoring and more about problem solving”.

MPs across all parties are also warming to the approach. In early 2026, the Commons Home Affairs Select Committee travelled to Leicester, Renfrewshire and North Tyneside, bringing together locals to discuss and debate what is currently one of the most contentious and polarising topics in the UK: immigration. The citizens’ assembly-style events brought together 100 people from across the three locations in March and May to feed into the committee’s recommendations to the government on immigration.

Karen Bradley, Conservative MP and chair of the committee, tells The House that the motivation behind the process was to make a series of recommendations to government that took the public’s views on board. “The problem is that it’s such a contested area that getting to the nub of what people actually think is really tough, and it’s also so easy to merge and to confuse the different issues,” Bradley explains.

The idea of a citizens’ assembly was born. Bradley says it presented the opportunity to bring together a group of people “without shouting, without social media and the algorithms” to hear: “What do people think is important? What are they concerned about?” For Bradley, the approach would mean that the committee would hear from a truly representative portion of the public, not just those who are likely to engage in policymaking in the first place.

Labour MP Jo White, who sits on the Home Affairs Select Committee, is a recent convert to the use of deliberative democracy. White would like to see a Burnham government use this approach in policymaking but is wary of how the media “deals with it” as she believes some media outlets could “create cynicism” around it, meaning “people don’t participate”.

While it will need to be sold to the public, White is certain of its benefits: “[Burnham’s] biggest demand is to stop the boats and deal with illegal immigration, and yet his policies and his values have been socially liberal.” It will be important for him, she says, to bring those issues together and create “consensus within the country and he’s making the right choices for the whole country”.

She adds: “How he manages that may well be through bringing more people into that arena and giving people the opportunity to think through the ideas.”

Back in SW1, the impact on Westminster and party relations could also be positively impacted by a more deliberative approach. Rachael Maskell, who sat as a vice-chair on the past APPG for Deliberative Democracy alongside Nandy, thinks such an approach is essential: “If we are going to crack that unity issue and that cohesiveness, but also take away the polarisation of politics, we’ve got to go much more round a deliberative approach.”

She also points to party unity as well as country unity, claiming that in the two years under a Labour government, policy “hasn’t derived from that space of cohesive understanding and trying to get to what would be the right solution. People with polarised views, even within the party, have not been brought into that space of understanding”. Without that space being created, Maskell says one part of the party is segregated, alongside their constituents.

While this approach will be essential to building consensus when it comes to febrile and polarising topics at a national level, councils have also begun to get involved. Demos is currently trialling a project to build and test a new model for participatory local democracy. Under the approach, “thousands of people will have the opportunity to shape local government policy on an issue affecting their area”.

The House joined one such session on a Saturday over Zoom where residents in South Staffordshire were discussing the approach to an updated local planning strategy – one of many sessions they had attended. Over five hours, a group of local residents discussed the pros and cons of different approaches, mediated by the Demos team and with council staff on hand to answer queries. Such a mediated approach was starkly different from the often febrile and inflamed tensions that can exist online, especially when it comes to local planning.

Speaking at the end of the session, The House heard from residents who said the process had “opened my eyes and made me realise things about South Staffordshire and my whole community”, while another said it had been nice to be in a safe environment and voice opinions.

While such an approach across the board may be attractive, it is time-consuming. If he enters No 10 later this month, Burnham will inherit a country split at the seams and juggling the pressure of a looming general election in 2029. What he chooses to prioritise – and how he chooses to do it – is still up for debate. 

 

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Politics Home Article | The “MAGA-esque” YouTube Channel Boosting Rupert Lowe Online

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The 'MAGA-esque' YouTube Channel Boosting Rupert Lowe Online

The Lotus Eaters Media (YouTube)


6 min read

Rupert Lowe this week became the first British politician to appear on The Joe Rogan Experience. The podcast has more British listeners than the BBC’s Today programme, and the interview with Lowe drew well over 1m views within the first 24 hours.

His appearance was not without controversy. Politicians in Scotland expressed outrage over Lowe describing the Dunblane school massacre as “one murder” in a discussion about UK gun law. A Restore Britain spokesperson later said: “Rupert was clearly referring to one incident.”

The interview was nevertheless the latest example of the Restore Britain leader and Great Yarmouth MP tapping into a digital landscape that Britain’s mainstream political parties are still getting to grips with.

Lee Cain, former Downing Street Director of Communications and founder of Charlesbye Strategy, told PoliticsHome that insurgent parties such as Restore Britain are using digital platforms to reach audiences that the mainstream parties have “simply stopped reaching”.

“Westminster is always the last place to learn modern comms style; it rejects innovation because it is so focused on traditional print media and fails to appreciate or understand how people are consuming news outside the bubble,” Cain said.

The Restore Britain-supporting Lotus Eaters podcast is another example of Lowe’s digital strategy.

The channel currently has over half a million YouTube subscribers and, at the time of writing, had received more than a million views on YouTube alone in the last week. It regularly hosts Restore Britain party officials such as campaigns director and spokesman Charlie Downes and writer and senior fellow Harrison Pitt, with Lowe himself appearing a number of times.

Launched in 2020, Lotus Eaters is run by hard-right YouTuber and political commentator Carl Benjamin, known also as Sargon of Akkad – a reference to the first emperor in history. Benjamin is a staunch supporter of “remigration” and has previously called for “10 years of zero immigration”.

Speaking to PoliticsHome about his journey to Restore Britain, Benjamin said he had been left “very dissatisfied with any of the parties on the left”, with one of the reasons being that they “fail to recognise or even acknowledge that there are a native people in the islands of Britain”.

“We’ve been looking for a party that recognises that actually the British people are the people with the primary claim to these islands, and Restore Britain is the only one in the mainstream that has articulated that message.”

The name, Lotus Eaters, is, according to Benjamin, an “esoteric reference” to Book 9 of The Odyssey. In the text, some of Odysseus’ men who are sent to gather information from the “Lotus Eaters” eat the flower themselves and instantly forget the purpose of their journey and their wish to return home.

Benjamin said in a video on the subject several years ago that the tale is “a representation of the ethos of the site” – a place to seek respite from “the constant stream of rage and clickbait you can’t really avoid on the internet… somewhere where we can provide worthwhile content that helps you better understand the world and yourself as we also work to understand the world and ourselves better than we did yesterday.”

The channel, based in Swindon, does not just cover British political content, with other videos looking at politics abroad and one defending the “great” Star Wars prequels. The channel offers a paid-up membership, with subscription plans running up to £30 a month. The website also offers courses including in Ancient Greek Virtue Ethics.

Asked by PoliticsHome if the channel ever donates money to Restore Britain, or receives it from the party, Benjamin said: “The answer to that is no, but that’s not really your business, is it?”

A disclaimer on the YouTube channel states it is promoted by Lotus Eater Media on behalf of Restore Britain. Benjamin says that this is to ensure that if any presenters want to stand for election in the future, they do not fall foul of the law.

Rupert Lowe

Other hosts include Benjamin “Beau” Dade, Firas Modad, and Dan Tubb. The podcast has also platformed Callum Barker, previously an activist for the far-right Homeland Party – a splinter organisation from neo-Nazi group Patriotic Alternative.

Restore Britain figures have used the podcast as a place to discuss party strategy.

For example, speaking on the Lotus Eaters last month about the upcoming Greater Manchester mayoral election, Downes said the contest would “probably require a lot less manpower” than the recent Makerfield by-election because it’s going to be “an air war”.

“Our view is that the air war is going to be where that particular election is won, which means that we don’t need to mobilise thousands of our activists on quite such a regular basis… so we will have the capacity to continue to grow the team whilst that is going on.”

Alan Finlayson, Professor of Political and Social Theory at the University of East Anglia, told PoliticsHome that the use of digital allows people to become “ideological entrepreneurs who can make a living from producing political content”. He added that this is something Benjamin is “very practiced and experienced at”.

“You can make a living from that, so that means also that people from a much wider political spectrum can find a space they couldn’t find on the older regulated platforms, people who were very dispersed with fringe views.”

Finlayson pointed to individuals such as flat-earthers, or those on the radical right. Now, Finlayson said, they can “find each other and amplify each other’s message and become part of large groups, so all that’s changed the landscape and the noise and sound of politics”.

He added: “These offer an opportunity for people, often people not engaged in politics before, or people with fringe political views, to feel their power and feel like they’re deeply known, and they’re being recruited to a much larger movement that they can represent in their communities and workplaces.”

On the podcast style, Finlayson said it is “MAGA-esque” – a reference to the pro-Donald Trump movement in the US – in the sense that “it is positioning itself as militantly against the mainstream. And it’s also MAGA-esque in the sense that it is very conscious of breaking the rules, at least claiming to break the rules of discourse.

“And to revel in, we’re not going to be careful, we’re going to say what we want, we’re free speech people, it does a lot of that.”

This is something Benjamin rejects. “You’re trying to apply an American phenomenon onto a foreign country. It just doesn’t track. MAGA is a specifically ideological movement and patriotic movement that applies to America and not Britain.”

Despite helping to set up the Swindon branch of Restore Britain, Benjamin said he was not planning to put himself forward as a candidate. 

“It’s not a very pleasant thing to do. The people in the media are generally bad people. Almost every single one of them is a paid liar, someone who is out to hurt you, out to hurt your reputation with your friends and your family, because not only do they gain gratification from taking these scalps, but they think that they’re very influential in determining the course of the country. And so I’ve decided I just don’t really want to do that.”

 

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Politics Home | Police Launch Murder Investigation Into Death Of Former MP Ann Widdecombe

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Police Launch Murder Investigation Into Death Of Former MP Ann Widdecombe

Police have launched a murder inquiry after Ann Widdecombe was found dead on Thursday (Alamy)


2 min read

Police in Devon and Cornwall have said they are looking for a white male after launching a murder investigation into the death of politician Ann Widdecombe.

On Friday, police said they had launched a murder inquiry after the former minister was found dead at her home in Dartmoor on Thursday. 

The 78-year-old politician was found dead in her home and had “sustained serious injuries”.

On Friday afternoon, Detective Chief Inspector Ilona Rosson said: “This is an extremely tragic incident and our thoughts are very much with the family and friends of Ann Widdecombe at this difficult time.

“Our murder enquiry is in its early stages but moving at a significant pace. We are deploying all of the necessary resources to find out exactly what has happened and to locate the person responsible who we believe to be a white male.”

Widdecombe was a Conservative MP for Maidstone in Kent for 23 years and was a minister in the Conservative government of John Major. Later in life, she served as a Brexit Party Member of the European Parliament, before joining Reform UK.

Responding to the news that the police had opened a murder inquiry into Widdecombe’s death, Home Secretary Shabana Mahmood said the circumstances surrounding the death were “extremely distressing”.

“Ann’s dedication to public service was decades long, and she was a true servant of her constituents. I have spoken to the Chief Constable of Devon and Cornwall police today. The Home Office stands ready to provide whatever support they need with their ongoing investigation.”

Mahmood urged the public to “avoid speculation and allow the police investigation to progress.”

 

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